Reprinted from
the JERUSALEM POST - cd,
with the permission
of the Jerusalem Post

                A DOOMED JOURNEY
                                                           by Sarah-Honig

    Published in THE JERUSALEM POST, Friday,
January 17, 1992,  Daily. Page: 10
    AT -  Section: FEATURES
    NW -  Number of Words: 3441
    KW -  Keywords: Remembrance-; Death-; Romania-; Jew-; Refugee-; History-; Maritime-; Immigration-; Holocaust-; Palestine-; UK-
    AB -  Lead Paragraph:
     For a full 71 days, during December 1941 and January and February 1942, when the Holocaust's  monstrous machinery was switched into high gear, the impotence, the total helplessness and  humiliation of the Jews, stateless and unwanted, was played out before a largely indifferent world in the  neutral Turkish port of Istanbul.

     For a full 71 days, during December 1941 and January and February 1942, when the Holocaust's  monstrous machinery was switched into high gear, the impotence, the total helplessness and  humiliation of the Jews, stateless and unwanted, was played out before a largely indifferent world in the  neutral Turkish port of Istanbul.  There, a peanut-shell of a boat - the Struma - packed with 769 refugees from Hitler's hell, was  denied safe haven.  One of those aboard was Shmuel Gutenmacher, then barely 20 years old.
     For weeks,  his brother Shabtai Nadiv had been awaiting him impatiently in this country.  He, his wife and a  friend were then the only pioneers of the Betar Battalions left in Galilee.  Nadiv was regional  commander of those battalions, whose members, men and women alike, did heavy construction and  agricultural labor in places like Rosh Pina, Migdal and Tel Tzur.
     But now the Revisionist pioneers were  gone, because, with World War II blazing, they heeded their leadership's call to enlist in the  British Army to fight the common foe.  Nadiv essentially remained a chief without braves.  His fervent  hopes were now pinned on the Struma.
     His brother, five years his junior, was part of a group of 110  Betar youths due to replace the Galilee pioneers gone to war.  Later, maybe they, too, could  contribute directly to the Allied cause.  But the beleaguered British Empire did not want the help of these  fit, dedicated, idealistic boys.
     It also didn't want to know about the 103 babies and children on  the Struma, nor, in fact, about any of the refugees who boarded this tiny unseaworthy vessel,  bound "illegally" for Eretz Yisrael.  It didn't care that they escaped the terror of Romania's  fascist regime, the pogroms and the ghastly Nazi atrocities which had already struck cities like  Jassy, where thousands of Jews were assembled in the market square and mowed down with machine guns.  The Jews fled for their lives, but the British wished they didn't exist.
     So much so, that they not  only refused to allow the Struma's human cargo permission to enter Mandated Palestine, but they  made sure no one else would allow them to go ashore.  In the end, nearly all on board perished.  This was  roughly when the British Mandatory authorities allowed the return to Eretz Yisrael of  previously-banished Arab followers of notorious Nazi collaborator Haj Amin el-Husseini, Jerusalem's mufti, who  spent the war as Hitler's guest in Berlin.
     At the time, the Struma's fate shocked the Yishuv and for a  fleeting moment it made a bit of a stir in America.  But war news quickly overshadowed its story.  Eventually this tragedy paled against the enormity of the Holocaust.
     Today, to most Israelis, the Struma  is a curious street name in some towns.  Even those who associate it with a boat hardly know the  details.  The Struma's unhappy end never inspired best-selling authors like Leon Uris who  romanticized the Exodus.
     Apart from the skeleton story, it is hard to uncover more than sketchy details  about the passengers or their ordeal.  Five decades later, the Struma is an esoteric subject.  But not  to Nadiv.
     For the historian and author, a retired senior banker and for many years Ramat Gan city  councillor, the story is still alive, still a painful personal episode.  He last saw his brother in  February, 1940 from the deck of another illegal Betar immigrant boat, the Sakaria.  It was to take Nadiv,  who was then Betar commander for Central Romania and in charge of organizing Betar's illegal  aliya from that country, to Eretz Yisrael.
     Shmuel and 20 other teenagers stood on the dock below.  They were all Nadiv's youth movement trainees, who wanted to board the Sakaria too, but weren't on  the passenger list, and the boat was overloaded.  Nadiv was ready to pull his gun to change the  captain's mind.
     But he was dissuaded from doing so by the boat's Betar commander, Eri Jabotinsky (the  Revisionist leader's son, who was imprisoned when the Sakaria was apprehended by the British.  Nadiv and  other passengers did time in jail as well).  The young Jabotinsky promised Nadiv that all would be  done to help Shmuel, too, get to Eretz Yisrael.
     That promise was made good in December 1941.  "By  then, Jews already had tasted the bitters of grisly Nazi horrors," observes Nadiv.  "The popular  myth is that there was no real Holocaust in Romania.
     But in Bukovina and Bessarabia Jews were  deported to Transnestria, and in Transylvania to Hungary.  In time, they were exterminated.  "In  Central or Old Romania there were no mass deportations but there were pogroms, starvation and  disease.
     Venerable old rabbis and Jewish community leaders were impaled on meat hooks in town squares.  Somehow, the Betar office continued to operate for a while in Bucharest even after the Jewish Agency  facility closed.  As all hell was raging at the end of 1941, the Revisionists managed to secure  permission to send out an immigrant boat.
     It was the Struma," Nadiv relates.  "I knew that boat well from the  days I hired illegal aliya ships.  It had no business sailing the high seas.
     It was a dilapidated  16-meter-long and six-meter-wide sardine can, built in 1830! It was basically a Danube cargo barge which  mostly carried cattle.  Even in comparison to the rickety vessels which somehow made it to Eretz  Yisrael, this one was especially pitiful and tiny.  The Sakaria, for example, was 3,000 tons with 2,400  passengers.
     "The Struma was a mere 180 tons with nearly 770 passengers.  For this journey the Struma was  outfitted for the first time with a motor.  It was used and unreliable, but that's all there was.
     Wooden  plank rails were constructed, so more people could get in.  The upper wood structure was so weak that  any brisk breeze threatened to demolish it.  "Those were desperate times.
     There were no other  means of escape from hell.  Besides Shmuel, who then headed the Betar branch in our home town of  Barlad, and the 110 Betar boys, ordinary Jews from all parts of Romania, but especially from Bukovina  and Bessarabia, filled the boat.  Whole families pleaded to go on the Struma.
     They paid good money  to get away.  "The captain was a Bulgarian named Pandellis and the ship was commanded by my dear  friend, the head of Betar in Dorohoi, Yona Berkovici." Nadiv adds that "Yona was one of the best of his  generation." Apart from the many youngsters, the passengers included 269 women, some of them pregnant.  Five passengers possessed valid visas to enter Eretz Yisrael.
     Also on board were 20 doctors, 10  engineers, 15 lawyers and 30 businessmen.  Young and old, they all assembled in the Romanian port of  Constanza on December 8, 1941.  For four days, the Romanian customs officials "examined" their  belongings.
     In effect, they robbed all they saw - clothing, underwear, jewelry and most important, food.  The immigrants left on the perilous journey with not enough food or clothing and no medications.  Somehow, "that overloaded river barge" chugged out of Constanza on December 12, 1941.
     "There were  problems with the motor right off," Nadiv relates.  He knows a good deal from the testimonies of the five  visa-holders who were allowed off the Struma at different stages of its ordeal, and from letters Shmuel and  Berkovici smuggled to him.  "No sooner was the boat out on the Black Sea than the motor ominously sputtered  and stopped dead.
     The engineers on board helped revive it.  But already on its day of departure,  still in Romanian territorial waters, the Struma sent out an SOS." On December 13, a Romanian ship  came near and its captain offered to fix the motor for a hefty sum.  Finally he settled for $1,100  because that's all there was.
     It was paid with the little cash in British and American currency which  the passengers had as well as wedding rings, gold watches and anything of value which the Jews had  managed to hide from the customs officers.  Now the motor would work for half an hour and would go off for  three.  In this state, with no lights or radio contact, the Struma, with its last sparks of energy,  dragged itself into Istanbul Harbor on December 16.
     It couldn't continue.  The motor gave out  completely and the boat was powerless.  The journey which should have taken 14 hours at the most turned into  a hair-raising four days.
     It would have ended in calamity right there, if not for the  fortuitously calm seas.  The hope was that, once in Turkey, the refugees would be granted legal permission to  enter Eretz Yisrael as thousands of precious aliya certificates allotted the Jewish Agency by the  British went unused now, with Europe in the throes of war.  The captain requested temporary asylum from  the Turks, until legalities were sorted out with the British.
     He explained that the boat was  disabled.  There was no fuel, food or water.  But the British told the Turks that the refugees would under no  circumstances be allowed into Palestine.
     They pressured the Turks not to grant them entry, lest that  encourage more Jews to attempt the sea journey to the Middle East.  Obligingly, the Turks refused to let  the Jews ashore.  The Turkish prime minister later remorselessly explained that "Turkey cannot  be expected to serve as a refuge or a surrogate homeland for people who are unwanted by others  anywhere else." The most pressing need was to get food on board.
     Minimal supplies, provided by local  Jews and the Yishuv, were at intervals allowed by the Turks after their palms were greased with  generous bribes.  But the situation was pitiful.  In mail which reached Nadiv by circuitous routes,  Shmuel and the boat's commander described an appalling situation.
     Shmuel wrote of people  ill-clothed to cope with the winter cold on the flimsy vessel.  He described attempts by the Betar youths to  help "the civilians." They gave them some of their own meager food rations, but that kept no one from  going hungry.  Berkovici wrote of despair, disease, unspeakable sanitary conditions, people  dying, women giving birth on board and some losing their sanity.
     A sign saying "Help!" was suspended  over the Struma's side.  One of the visa-holders who after weeks was allowed off described the boat  as a "floating coffin." Hundreds of people were confined in a narrow unventilated space.  The  hull below reeked, but the passengers were allowed up for a brief breath of fresh air only by turns as  there wasn't enough room on deck for all, even if they stood huddled together.
     Actually, there was no  room for everyone below deck either.  There wasn't sufficient sleeping space or even space for  people to move around freely during the day.  Worse still, there was one makeshift toilet for some 770  people, with no bathing facilities at all, not even for babies.
     There was no way to do laundry and in any  case there were passengers without even a change of clothing, literally with only the shirts on  their backs.  There was no separate area for those who took ill and not even a galley, save for one  little corner used in lieu of a kitchen.  There was only one hot meal a week.
     Men, women and children were  cramped together, hungry, cold, stifled, unable to bathe or rest.  There was fear of epidemics, but  thanks to the hard work of all those doctors on board, there were "only" dysentery, respiratory  infections and a lot of fainting spells.  The Jewish Agency in Jerusalem and Jewish organizations in  London and the US lobbied hard.
     On January 19, 1942, an official Jewish Agency request was forwarded  to the British to allow all on the Struma to enter Eretz Yisrael, stressing that they were  refugees who fled the most tangible threat of massacre.  The Mandatory authorities didn't even dignify  the Jewish Agency with a reply.  On the next day, the Struma's 35th in Istanbul, the Wannsee  Conference opened in suburban Berlin to formally decide on "the final solution of the Jewish problem."  Hitler surely had not overlooked this latest demonstration of utter callousness towards hapless  Jews.
     Historians agree that such displays encouraged him to proceed with his bloody schemes.  The  British didn't bother to answer another emotional Jewish Agency plea on January 30.  On February 10,  the Jewish Agency announced that it was granting aliya certificates from among the 3,000 it was  given by the Mandatory authorities to all refugees on the Struma.
     The reply was that no one would be  permitted to enter the country except for four more visa-holders, who only at this point were let off the  boat.  More news of the dreadful conditions on the Struma now came out.  Besides, the Turks, egged on  and emboldened by the British, began openly threatening to tow the crippled boat out to sea,  beyond their territorial waters.
     They had been imposed upon and asked to play host for too long.  All  Jewish protests about the boat's unseaworthiness were of no avail.  The Jewish Agency's official  February 13 communique warned that "the boat is in a state of total disrepair and without any  life-saving equipment.
     Any sea journey for this vessel cannot but end in disaster." Meanwhile,  unconnected with this, there were negotiations in London on a special rescue-aliya of children from  Hungary and Romania.  The Jewish Agency pointed out that the children on the Struma, being from  Romania, qualified to enter Eretz Yisrael.  This time a reply did come.
     Chillingly it stated that "even  this supposition about the Struma," i.e. that the children were from Romania, "is doubtful and  must be closely investigated." The British were now openly arguing that since the Struma came from  enemy territory, all in it were suspected of being enemy agents.  "The Jewish Agency had to battle an  assertion so preposterous that Yishuv leaders labeled it satanic.  The thought that the Germans' most  hideously persecuted victims would be their agents was beyond even the hypocrisy which the Yishuv has  come to expect from Perfidious Albion," comments Nadiv.
     In a very long February 13 letter to the  Mandatory government, the Agency detailed the horrors which the Romanian Jews fled.  It stressed that  "because they feared brutality and extermination, they were willing to risk a journey on so feeble a  boat.  The idea that the Nazis would use just such a rickety vessel, loaded with women and children, to  infiltrate agents seems beyond imagination  Commissioner, Sir Harold MacMichael, the staunchest, most unyielding opponent of any compromise on the  Struma.
     They noted that Britain was helping with much fanfare to resettle in the Mideast thousands of  Gentiles - Greeks, Yugoslavs, Poles and Czechs - all of whom came from enemy territory.  More than any of  them, the Jews had reason to be loyal to the Allies.  On February 15, the British announced that they  would make an exception in the case of Struma children aged 11 to 16.
     All others on board were denied  entry because with wartime rationing there wouldn't be enough provisions for them.  Donning a  humanitarian cloak, MacMichael stressed that he would "not want to undertake the cruel task of choosing  which of the passengers should be allowed in," and so it was deemed kinder to reject all outside the  limited age-group decided upon.  The Jewish Agency started preparing for the arrival of the children  and a few days later secured agreement to allow younger ones in, too, "if proper arrangements be  made for their upkeep." At the same time, on February 20, it called for a review of the British  decision on the adults, noting that the American JDC had undertaken to provide for all the Struma's  Jews.
     The Agency in another communique warned of "grave danger if the Struma is forced out to sea,  where it is likely to drown or meet a wartime mishap  because they were Jews." His Majesty's Government's official reply was that it would not change its  policy of combating illegal Jewish immigration.  In the Yishuv there was shock and grief.  Demonstrations were mounted and for one day all work and commerce was halted and the population imposed a  voluntary protest curfew on itself.
     Posters appeared on the walls everywhere bearing MacMichael's  picture and announcing in Hebrew and English that he was "Wanted for Murder." The Struma's tragic end  also marked the effective end to all significant illegal immigration from Europe until the  conclusion of WWII.  A few fishing and sporting craft and sailboats briefly attempted the route.  They  carried a handful of passengers each and some were sunk.
     "Europe's Jews had no escape left," Nadiv sums  up grimly.  "Embattled Britain took time out from the war to make sure of grimly.  "Embattled  Britain took time out from the war to make sure of  IM

-  Image Details: Photo.; Caption:
1. Following the sinking of the Struma and the drowning of some 760 Jewish refugees,
2.  posters, like the one shown above, appeared around the Yishuv denouncing the High Commissioner who had  refused the boat entry.
3. Shabtai Nadiv with his friend, Yona Berkovici, who commanded the Struma,  before it sailed.
4. Nadiv's brother Shmuel Gutenmacher was among those who drowned.
5. Nadiv today.
6. David Stollier was the tragedy's sole survivor.;
By: 1. IDF ARCHIVES. 3.-5. GIL HADANI. 6. IDF ARCHIVES

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